Ahmed al-Sharaa, once a notorious extremist commander, now holds the position of Syria’s interim president. This transformation, however, masks a chilling reality unfolding within the nation’s borders.
Under al-Sharaa’s new government, a systematic persecution of minorities is underway. Kurds, Alawites, Druze, and Christians are facing violence, displacement, and a desperate fight for survival, according to Dr. Morhaf Ibrahim, president of the Alawites Association of the United States.
The newly drafted constitution, Dr. Ibrahim asserts, is a devastating blow to any hope of a just future. Strikingly, the very concept of “democracy” is absent from its articles, signaling a deliberate rejection of inclusive governance.
Al-Sharaa rose to power after leading Hay’at Tahrir al-Sham, a coalition of extremist groups that toppled the regime of Bashar al-Assad in December 2024. He subsequently attempted to rebrand himself on the international stage, even securing a meeting with President Trump.
Initial hopes for a brighter Syria quickly faded after Assad’s fall. Many Syrians briefly dared to believe in a new beginning, but that optimism proved tragically short-lived. Aram Hanna, a Christian soldier with the Kurdish-led Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF), poignantly stated, “It was a good choice to kick Assad out… but we have now another big problem.”
Al-Sharaa’s forces initially promised amnesty and encouraged peaceful surrender, but this was a deceptive tactic. The underlying reality was a resurgence of extremist ideologies, rooted in decades of sectarian tensions and fractured governance.
The fragile hope shattered with brutal massacres of Alawite civilians on the coast and subsequent attacks on Druze communities in al-Suwayda. These acts of violence resurrected deep-seated fears of sectarian betrayal, echoing a century of mistrust.
The roots of this mistrust run deep, stemming from the French Mandate’s division of the Levant into sectarian statelets. This created a legacy of unequal development and fueled suspicion between communities, each fearing domination by another.
Decades of Ba’athist rule further entrenched sectarian anxiety, suppressing political Islam and building a security oligarchy. The horrific Hama massacre of 1982, claiming at least 40,000 lives, remains a stark reminder of the regime’s brutality and disregard for human life.
Ironically, many Syrians acknowledge that even under Assad’s oppressive rule, a degree of secularism existed. While representation was unequal, people understood the boundaries and could navigate life cautiously, avoiding direct confrontation with the regime.
The current government, however, is actively embracing Islamic extremism, threatening to erase any space for those who do not adhere to a strict Sunni Arab Muslim identity. This shift represents an existential threat to Syria’s diverse communities.
Dr. Ibrahim explains that this extremist mindset draws heavily from the medieval rulings of Ibn Taymiyyah, whose interpretations declared the faiths of Alawites, Druze, Christians, and Yazidis illegitimate – and punishable by death.
This ideology, according to Dr. Ibrahim, justifies the seizure of property, enslavement of women, and the wholesale slaughter of entire communities, providing a twisted theological justification for horrific acts of violence. These teachings, he warns, are the ideological foundation of ISIS, al-Qaeda, and al-Julani’s factions.
“In Syria right now, the books of Ibn Taymiyyah are in the streets,” Dr. Ibrahim stated with alarm. “That’s pretty damn dangerous.” The normalization of extremist literature is a chilling indicator of the direction the country is heading.
The infiltration of extremist elements into the Syrian military is also deeply concerning. As Aram Hanna observes, “ISIS now are more dangerous because we have the Ministry of Defense… full of ISIS.” They operate with impunity, disguised as Syrian soldiers, freely moving and sharing information.
Attempts at dialogue and reconciliation have proven to be hollow gestures. The National Dialogue Conference in February 2025 was carefully orchestrated, excluding key groups and presenting predetermined outcomes, leaving participants disillusioned and cynical.
The conference’s call for “unity of the Syrian Arab Republic” is particularly exclusionary, effectively denying recognition to anyone who is not Arab. This is a profound irony, considering the name “Syria” originates from the Assyrians, a non-Arab people who have inhabited the region for millennia.
The Assyrian Christian minority, the original inhabitants, have suffered a catastrophic decline in population, plummeting from approximately 1.5 to 2.2 million between 2011 and 2022 to a mere 300,000. Their decimation is a tragic consequence of the ongoing conflict and sectarian violence.
The conference’s insistence on “sovereignty over its entire territory” is a direct challenge to the Kurds in Rojava, who have established their own autonomous government and military force, the Syrian Democratic Forces (SDF). It’s a clear signal of al-Sharaa’s intent to disarm and dominate all minority groups.
The situation has led to a growing sense of self-reliance among minority communities. In Rojava, the Kurdish-led government provides a higher standard of living, security, and inclusion. Similarly, in Suwayda, Druze groups have formed a de facto autonomous zone.
In stark contrast, the Alawites were disarmed and then subjected to brutal massacres. Aram Hanna warns that this is precisely why the SDF refuses to relinquish its weapons or integrate into a Damascus-led army.
Dr. Ibrahim believes that an “organic alliance” is forming between Alawites, Druze, Christians, and Kurds, driven by a shared understanding that a Sunni extremist state would offer no future for any of them. Their survival depends on cooperation and mutual support.
The path forward, Dr. Ibrahim argues, lies in a decentralized, federal, or confederal system that allows communities to govern themselves. Only then can Syria hope to achieve a lasting peace and a future where all its citizens can thrive.
