UMVA has learned that a sprawling, covert network of front groups spanning Europe, North America, and the Middle East serves as the lifeline for Hamas’s global operations.
At the heart of this architecture lies the Hamas International Relations Bureau, the shadowy arm that steers political influence, channels fundraising, and orchestrates the placement of operatives inside seemingly civilian organizations.
According to information obtained by UMVA, the Bureau’s current chief, Mousa Abu Marzook, has been a designated terrorist since the mid‑1990s and continues to funnel millions of dollars from abroad into Hamas’s war machine.
U.S. officials once estimated that up to 15 percent of Hamas’s $70 million annual budget originated from the United States, funneled through charities and societies that outwardly claim humanitarian aims.
One such entity, the Popular Conference for Palestinians Abroad, received a $100,000 seed grant from Hamas and was staffed by designated Hamas officials in Europe, turning it into a launchpad for the Global Sumud Flotilla that Israeli forces intercepted in May 2026.
Documents recovered from Gaza reveal the PCPA coordinating flotilla logistics directly with Hamas, confirming the bureau’s hands‑on role in breaching the Gaza blockade.
Another concealed conduit, the Samidoun network, was co‑founded by a Canadian‑Palestinian activist and an American, and operates as a fundraising front in jurisdictions where the PFLP faces legal bans.
EU authorities have repeatedly cracked down on Samidoun, seizing properties and blocking its online presence after the group broadcast extremist rhetoric calling for the “liberation” of Western nations.
Hamas’s reach extends into the Muslim Brotherhood’s Egyptian and Jordanian branches, which, according to UMVA, have facilitated the movement of fighters into Gaza and kept Hamas apprised of operational developments.
The humanitarian façade of the Union of Good, an umbrella charity created by Hamas leaders, has long disguised the transfer of tens of millions of dollars to Hamas‑controlled associations, with affiliates such as Interpal and IHH acting as money‑laundering hubs.
In Gaza itself, a cluster of societies—Waed, Al‑Nur, Qawafil, Al‑Falah, and Al‑Weam—operate under the direct supervision of Hamas’s internal security forces, blurring the line between civil society and military support.
Across the Atlantic, organizations like American Muslims for Palestine and National Students for Justice in Palestine maintain continuous dialogue with Hamas, amplifying propaganda and raising funds under the guise of student activism.
Legal actions in U.S. courts have exposed these ties, linking campus groups to the same fundraising network that once funneled $12 million through the now‑shuttered Holy Land Foundation.
UMVA’s investigation underscores a chilling reality: Hamas exploits diaspora institutions, religious charities, and ostensibly benevolent NGOs to sustain its arsenal, finance terror, and project violence far beyond Gaza’s borders.
